Kay Cudjoe, an Associate of IMANI Africa, has said the Office of the Special Prosecutor (OSP) must lead Ghana’s investigation into the million-dollar Turkish Power Plant bribery deal.
In a Facebook post, Kay Cudjoe argued that AKSA Enerji’s emergency power project is no longer an allegation following the conviction of Asante Kwaku Berko, the former Tema Oil Refinery (TOR) Managing Director.
He argued that Ghana was not standing outside the US prosecution waiting for the August 6 verdict, adding that the OSP was already part of the investigation.
The IMANI Africa associate highlighted that the investigation requires institutional distance, as Dominic Ayine was Deputy Attorney General, and John Jinapor was Deputy Minister of Power. Today Ayine is Attorney General, and Jinapor is Energy Minister. William Amuna, then GRIDCo Chief Executive, now chairs ECG. Their former offices prove no misconduct.
Kay Cudjoe, in his post, detailed, “Ghana, the scandal is no longer an allegation. On August 6, 2026, a federal jury in Brooklyn convicted Asante Kwaku Berko, former Executive Director at Goldman Sachs, of conspiracy to violate the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, violating the FCPA and conspiracy to commit money laundering. The United States says Berko participated in a scheme involving more than US$1 million in bribes to Ghanaian officials connected to AKSA Enerji’s emergency power project. Berko now awaits sentencing. Ghana should be awaiting names.
The numbers are staggering. US$1 million was discussed for Ghana’s Minister of Power. US$250,000 was discussed for his senior adviser. Five Ghanaian officials travelled to Turkey at AKSA’s expense and allegedly received US$5,000 each. Correspondence described US$120,000 associated with PURC, US$20,000 for GRIDCo engineers, US$20,000 for three Ministry officials called the “MoP Girls,” US$25,000 for an eight person “Power Team,” and approximately US$46,000 paid to Members of Parliament. These were not anonymous institutions. People occupied those offices.
So let us begin lifting the veil. The Senior Ghana Official is readily identifiable from the public record as Dr Kwabena Donkor, then Minister of Power. The strongest documentary match for Ghana Official 1 is Francis W. K. Dzata, Technical Adviser to the Minister. His documented functions closely resemble those attributed by American prosecutors to the adviser who communicated the Minister’s concerns, helped organise the Turkey inspection and circulated the March 11 Emergency Project Team.
Ghana Official 2 remains less certain. John Abdulai Jinapor, then Deputy Minister of Power, is presently the strongest candidate in my reconstruction. William Owuraku Aidoo, also Deputy Minister, remains within the relevant universe. Neither should be labelled Ghana Official 2 until documentary evidence settles it. An investigation must unveil people, not invent them.
The Turkish Energy Company was AKSA Enerji. The Turkish holding company was Kazancı Holding. The American financial institution was Goldman Sachs. The Presidential Relative remains publicly unresolved. Co Conspirator 1 was a Ghanaian director of Ghana Consulting Company 1. Co Conspirator 4 was a Ghanaian and United States permanent resident who was a principal of both Ghana consulting companies. Co Conspirators 2 and 3 were senior Turkish AKSA executives. The corporate leadership universe includes Cüneyt Uygun and Nesim İbrahimhakkıoğlu, although the public material does not conclusively assign either man to a particular pseudonym.
Then comes Parliament. The recomposed Mines and Energy Committee was chaired by Amadu Bukari Sorogo, now Chairman of the National Fertilizer Council, with Adam Mutawakilu, now Managing Director of Ghana Water Limited, as Vice Chairman; Kobina Tahir Hammond, former MP for Adansi Asokwa and former Trade and Industry Minister, as Ranking Member; and Edward Ennin, former MP for Obuasi East, as Deputy Ranking Member.
The remaining members were Mahama Toure Naser, who later remained MP for Ayawaso East until his death in January 2026; Gershon K. B. Gbediame, former MP for Nkwanta South; Salifu Ameen, former MP; Kwadwo Emmanuel Agyekum, now MP for Nkoranza South and Minister of State responsible for Special Initiatives; Michael Coffie Boampong, former MP for Bia West, who died in 2018; Cletus Apul Avoka, former MP for Zebilla and former Majority Leader; Mohammed Mubarak Muntaka, now MP for Asawase and Minister for the Interior; Mathias Kwame Ntow, former MP for Aowin; Dr Stephen Nana Ato Arthur, former MP for Komenda Edina Eguafo Abrem; Isaac Kwame Asiamah, former MP for Atwima Mponua and former Youth and Sports Minister; William Owuraku Aidoo, former MP for Afigya Kwabre South and former Deputy Energy Minister; Mustapha Ussif, current MP for Yagaba Kubori and former Youth and Sports Minister; Benjamin Kofi Ayeh, former MP for Upper Denkyira West; and Joseph Cudjoe, former MP for Effia and former Minister for Public Enterprises.
These are not eighteen accused MPs. They are the parliamentary investigative universe against which DOJ’s US$46,000 must be tested. Some remain politically active. Some occupy important state positions. Some have left Parliament. Some have died. Time does not erase the evidentiary question. It makes reconstruction more urgent. Who attended the relevant proceedings? Who dealt with the promoters? Who appears in Berko’s communications? Which MPs, if any, intersect with the money trail?
Then comes perhaps the most consequential document Ghana has yet to produce publicly. On March 11, 2015, Ghana Official 1 circulated an Emergency Project Team comprising representatives of agencies responsible for completing tasks necessary for AKSA. Ghana Official 2 was on that team. Later, the bribery correspondence describes an eight person “Power Team,” with Ministry of Power and ECG representatives considered particularly important. Were they the same people? If so, one document could unlock several identities simultaneously.
The institutional trail reaches the Energy Commission, GRIDCo, PURC, ECG and VRA. The contemporary leadership and technical universe includes Alfred Ofosu Ahenkorah, William Amuna, Samuel Kwadwo Sarpong, Emmanuel K. Annan, Robert Dwamena, Kirk Koffi and senior GRIDCo engineers including Samuel F. Kwofie, Bernard Modey, Eric Asare, Norbert Anku, Suraj Amadu and Isaac Akesseh. Their positions establish no wrongdoing. They tell investigators where to look. America has supplied the fingerprints. Ghana has the personnel files. Match them.
Now the present government enters the story. Dominic Ayine was Deputy Attorney General. John Jinapor was Deputy Minister of Power. Today Ayine is Attorney General and Jinapor is Energy Minister. William Amuna, then GRIDCo Chief Executive, now chairs ECG. Their former offices prove no misconduct. They prove something else: this investigation requires institutional distance.
The OSP should lead Ghana’s investigation as the specialised independent anti corruption body. The Attorney General has an important but different function as Ghana’s central authority for international criminal cooperation, facilitating requests and transmitting evidence between jurisdictions. The distinction matters because an investigator examining politically exposed persons must be able to follow evidence into the political executive without depending upon that executive to decide where the investigation goes.
This case began under an NDC government, remained unresolved through eight years of NPP government and has now returned to another NDC administration. Governments change. Ministers change. Attorneys General change. Evidence must not change with them. That is why the FBI’s cooperation with the OSP makes institutional sense. Only months ago Ghana was debating the importance and independence of the OSP. AKSA is the answer to that debate.
So when Deputy Attorney General Justice Srem Sai says Ghana is now engaging America, the question is unavoidable: Engaging America to discover the case, or retrieving evidence Ghana already helped America build?
Ghana was not standing outside this prosecution waiting for the August 6 verdict. The OSP was already inside the investigation. DOJ says it provided significant assistance to the American prosecution, while the Attorney General’s International Cooperation Unit performed its international cooperation role. Ghana therefore had an institutional connection to this prosecution before the Brooklyn jury returned its verdict.
The Ministry can produce the March 11 Emergency Project Team. GRIDCo can identify its engineers. ECG can identify its representative. PURC can reconstruct its regulatory chain. Immigration records can identify the five Turkey travellers. Parliament can determine which MPs intersect with the US$46,000. Company records can identify the people behind the Ghanaian consulting companies. Banks can identify account owners, signatories, transfers, withdrawals and beneficiaries. America can remove whatever pseudonyms remain.
None of this requires partisan theatre. The NDC must not protect yesterday’s officials because they belong to its political family. The NPP cannot suddenly discover outrage after governing for eight years following the public emergence of the Berko allegations. Neither party should determine where the evidence stops.
A foreign country has prosecuted a man for corrupting our public institutions. America has convicted the payer. The aliases are beginning to fall. The documents exist. The institutions know their people.
Now Ghana must answer the only question that matters: who collected?”
See the post below:
@ghnow_ The funeral ceremony of the late Beverly Afaglo is currently underway at the forecourt of the State House in Accra, where family, friends, colleagues, and loved ones have gathered to pay their final respects to the actress and entrepreneur. 🕊️💐 #GHNow #fyp ♬ original sound – GHnow
@ghnow_ Yvonne Nelson arrives at the funeral ceremony of the late Beverly Afaglo to pay her final respects. 🕊️💔 #GHNow #fyp ♬ original sound – GHnow
